Dmitri Polikanov, deputy reformer of Russia's soft power age
Taking a different view to Rossotrudnichestvo's sweeping approach under Yevgeny Primakov Jr, the agency's deputy director wonders whether its priorities should be reset.
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US members of an alleged spy ring are charged with spreading pro-Moscow propaganda, taking money to organise protests to defend Russia, and even running for public office while being controlled and financed by the FSB.
Moscow has grand plans for its networks of influence abroad over the coming year, starting with the need to maintain its declining dominance in Central Asia. But these ambitious goals could come up against the situation in Kazakhstan, where India, China and other powers are using their own approaches.
The "Centre", the headquarters of Russia's SVR foreign intelligence agency, has long used compatriots for intelligence or influence operations. Ukraine has in contrast relied little on its own nationals or descendants living abroad. But Volodymyr Zelensky now intends to exploit this precious resource.
NIIRK, the small scientific research centre made up of ex-KGB agents is making assessment of "communication flows" a central priority. It is examining these in the three Baltic countries and five Central Asian states where Moscow is trying to push its narratives using soft power tools, such as the Rossotrudnichestvo and state media outlets.
At a time when the Indo-Pacific is gaining strategic importance on the world stage, Russia's diplomatic and security apparatus is looking to lock down its political alliance and defence relationship with Vietnam, with the help of some key emissaries.
For the inauguration of its new centre in Paris headed by academic Darya Loyola, the powerful Russian Geographical Society called in experts in Russian-French relations, as well as professional promoters of Russian policy for compatriots abroad.
Yevgeny Primakov Jr, the head of the Russian soft-power institution Rossotrudnitchestvo, has former SVR and FSB officers helping him to win the hearts and minds of Russians abroad, aided by so-called national research institute for the development of communication.
The Kremlin is reviewing its oversight of the two breakaway "republics" in the Donbass region in eastern Ukraine, which are dealing with difficult economic conditions. It is continuing to rely on its longstanding allies there but is testing new rallying cries.
Eager to increase its influence over Russian "compatriots" living overseas, the Kremlin can count on Konstantin Zatulin, who has influence among Russian speakers in neighbouring countries, to help with its state programme for voluntary resettlement.
On the interim government's advice, President Rumen Radev has made a string of dismissals as the country heads into the 11 July elections. Those sacked included top intelligence officers who are ready to denounce Russian influence in the country, along with political opposition led by former prime minister Boyko Borisov.
Vladimir Putin's recent reframing of the role of the FSB gives some indication of the direction the soon to be announced national security strategy will go in, spanning the seas, borders and strategically important information security.
As the country prepares for legislative elections in September, business consultant Roman Putin is busy tying personal ambitions with an opportune fight against corruption and his unwavering support of Vladimir Putin, a cousin of his father.
Making the most of the Chisinau government's instability, Moscow is taking steps ahead of the elections that could see its allies chased out of parliament and can count on its embedded political-security relays to help with the task.